Lavoisier Not See His Like Again
Antoine-Laurent de Lavoisier | |
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Born | (1743-08-26)26 August 1743 Paris, France |
Died | 8 May 1794(1794-05-08) (aged 50) Paris, France |
Cause of death | Execution past guillotine |
Resting identify | Catacombs of Paris |
Alma mater | Collège des Quatre-Nations, University of Paris |
Known for |
|
Spouse(s) | Marie-Anne Paulze Lavoisier (married 1771–1794) |
Scientific career | |
Fields | Biologist, chemist |
Notable students | Éleuthère Irénée du Pont |
Influences | Guillaume-François Rouelle, Étienne Condillac |
Signature | |
Antoine-Laurent de Lavoisier (French: [ɑ̃twan lɔʁɑ̃ də lavwazje] lav-WUZ-ee-ay,[1] lə-VWAH-zee-ay;[2] [three] 26 August 1743 – 8 May 1794),[four] also Antoine Lavoisier after the French Revolution, was a French nobleman and chemist who was central to the 18th-century chemical revolution and who had a large influence on both the history of chemistry and the history of biology.[five] It is generally accustomed that Lavoisier's corking accomplishments in chemistry stem largely from his changing the science from a qualitative to a quantitative ane. Lavoisier is about noted for his discovery of the office oxygen plays in combustion. He recognized and named oxygen (1778) and hydrogen (1783), and opposed the phlogiston theory. Lavoisier helped construct the metric system, wrote the first extensive list of elements, and helped to reform chemical nomenclature. He predicted the beingness of silicon (1787)[half-dozen] and discovered that, although matter may alter its form or shape, its mass always remains the same.
Lavoisier was a powerful fellow member of a number of aristocratic councils, and an ambassador of the Ferme générale. The Ferme générale was one of the virtually hated components of the Ancien Régime considering of the profits it took at the expense of the land, the secrecy of the terms of its contracts, and the violence of its armed agents.[seven] All of these political and economic activities enabled him to fund his scientific research. At the summit of the French Revolution, he was charged with tax fraud and selling adulterated tobacco, and was guillotined.
Biography
Early life and didactics
Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier was born to a wealthy family unit of the dignity in Paris on 26 August 1743. The son of an attorney at the Parlement of Paris, he inherited a large fortune at the age of five upon the death of his female parent.[8] Lavoisier began his schooling at the Collège des Quatre-Nations, Academy of Paris (besides known equally the Collège Mazarin) in Paris in 1754 at the age of eleven. In his terminal 2 years (1760–1761) at the schoolhouse, his scientific interests were aroused, and he studied chemistry, botany, astronomy, and mathematics. In the philosophy class he came under the tutelage of Abbé Nicolas Louis de Lacaille, a distinguished mathematician and observational astronomer who imbued the immature Lavoisier with an interest in meteorological observation, an enthusiasm which never left him. Lavoisier entered the school of law, where he received a bachelor's caste in 1763 and a licentiate in 1764. Lavoisier received a police degree and was admitted to the bar, but never practiced as a lawyer. However, he continued his scientific educational activity in his spare time.
Early on scientific work
Lavoisier'southward instruction was filled with the ideals of the French Enlightenment of the time, and he was fascinated by Pierre Macquer's dictionary of chemistry. He attended lectures in the natural sciences. Lavoisier's devotion and passion for chemistry were largely influenced by Étienne Condillac, a prominent French scholar of the 18th century. His offset chemic publication appeared in 1764. From 1763 to 1767, he studied geology under Jean-Étienne Guettard. In collaboration with Guettard, Lavoisier worked on a geological survey of Alsace-Lorraine in June 1767. In 1764 he read his first paper to the French University of Sciences, France'due south well-nigh elite scientific guild, on the chemic and physical properties of gypsum (hydrated calcium sulfate), and in 1766 he was awarded a gold medal by the King for an essay on the problems of urban street lighting.[ix] In 1768 Lavoisier received a provisional date to the Academy of Sciences.[x] In 1769, he worked on the first geological map of France.
Inquiry benefitting the public good
While Lavoisier is unremarkably known for his contributions to the sciences, he as well dedicated a significant portion of his fortune and work toward benefitting the public.[11] [12] [xiii] [14] Lavoisier was a humanitarian—he cared deeply near the people in his land and often concerned himself with improving the livelihood of the population past agriculture, industry, and the sciences.[12] The first instance of this occurred in 1765, when he submitted an essay on improving urban street lighting to the French Academy of Sciences.[12] [13] [14]
Three years later in 1768, he focused on a new project to design an aqueduct. The goal was to bring water from the river Yvette into Paris so that the citizens could have clean drinking h2o. But, since the construction never commenced, he instead turned his focus to purifying the water from the Seine. This was the project that interested Lavoisier in the chemistry of water and public sanitation duties.[xiv]
Additionally, he was interested in air quality and spent some time studying the health risks associated with gunpowder's effect on the air.[13] In 1772, he performed a study on how to reconstruct the Hôtel-Dieu hospital, after it had been damaged by fire, in a way that would allow proper ventilation and clean air throughout.[xiv]
At the time, the prisons in Paris were known to exist largely unlivable and the prisoners' handling inhumane.[11] Lavoisier took function in investigations in 1780 (and once more in 1791) on the hygiene in prisons and had fabricated suggestions to improve living conditions, suggestions which were largely ignored.[11] [14]
One time a part of the Academy, Lavoisier too held his ain competitions to button the direction of research towards bettering the public and his own work.[13] One such project he proposed in 1793 was to better public health on the "insalubrious arts".
Lavoisier had a vision of public educational activity having roots in "scientific sociability" and philanthropy.[13]
Lavoisier gained a vast majority of his income through buying stock in the Full general Farm, which allowed him to piece of work on scientific discipline full-time, live comfortably, and allowed him to contribute financially to improve the community.[xiv] (It would also contribute to his demise during the Reign of Terror many years subsequently.[15])
It was very difficult to secure public funding for the sciences at the time, and additionally not very financially profitable for the average scientist, so Lavoisier used his wealth to open up a very expensive and sophisticated laboratory in French republic and so that aspiring scientists could study without the barriers of securing funding for their inquiry.[11] [14]
He likewise pushed for public education in the sciences. He founded ii organizations, Lycée [fr] and Musée des Arts et Métiers, which were created to serve as educational tools for the public. Funded by the wealthy and noble, the Lycée regularly taught courses to the public showtime in 1793.[13]
Ferme générale and marriage
At the age of 26, effectually the fourth dimension he was elected to the Academy of Sciences, Lavoisier bought a share in the Ferme générale, a tax farming fiscal company which advanced the estimated taxation revenue to the majestic government in render for the correct to collect the taxes. On behalf of the Ferme générale Lavoisier commissioned the building of a wall effectually Paris so that customs duties could be collected from those transporting goods into and out of the city.[16] His participation in the collection of its taxes did not help his reputation when the Reign of Terror began in France, as taxes and poor government reform were the principal motivators during the French Revolution.
Lavoisier consolidated his social and economic position when, in 1771 at age 28, he married Marie-Anne Pierrette Paulze, the thirteen-yr-old girl of a senior member of the Ferme générale.[4] She was to play an important part in Lavoisier's scientific career—notably, she translated English documents for him, including Richard Kirwan'south Essay on Phlogiston and Joseph Priestley's research. In add-on, she assisted him in the laboratory and created many sketches and carved engravings of the laboratory instruments used by Lavoisier and his colleagues for their scientific works. Madame Lavoisier edited and published Antoine'south memoirs (whether any English translations of those memoirs take survived is unknown as of today) and hosted parties at which eminent scientists discussed ideas and problems related to chemistry.[17]
A portrait of Antoine and Marie-Anne Lavoisier was painted by the famed artist Jacques-Louis David. Completed in 1788 on the eve of the Revolution, the painting was denied a customary public display at the Paris Salon for fear that it might inflame anti-aristocratic passions.[18]
For iii years following his entry into the Ferme générale, Lavoisier's scientific activity diminished somewhat, for much of his time was taken up with official Ferme générale business organisation. He did, notwithstanding, nowadays one important memoir to the Academy of Sciences during this period, on the supposed conversion of h2o into earth by evaporation. By a very precise quantitative experiment, Lavoisier showed that the "earthy" sediment produced afterwards long-connected reflux heating of h2o in a glass vessel was not due to a conversion of the water into earth but rather to the gradual disintegration of the inside of the drinking glass vessel produced by the boiling water. He also attempted to introduce reforms in the French monetary and taxation organization to help the peasants.
Adulteration of tobacco
The Farmers General held a monopoly of the production, import and sale of tobacco in France, and the taxes they levied on tobacco brought revenues of 30 1000000 livres a year. This acquirement began to autumn because of a growing black market in tobacco that was smuggled and adulterated, virtually unremarkably with ash and h2o. Lavoisier devised a method of checking whether ash had been mixed in with tobacco: "When a spirit of vitriol, aqua fortis or some other acid solution is poured on ash, in that location is an immediate very intense effervescent reaction, accompanied by an easily detected dissonance." Lavoisier also noticed that the addition of a small amount of ash improved the flavour of tobacco. Of one vendor selling adulterated goods, he wrote "His tobacco enjoys a very good reputation in the province... the very small-scale proportion of ash that is added gives information technology a particularly pungent flavour that consumers look for. Possibly the Farm could gain some advantage by calculation a scrap of this liquid mixture when the tobacco is fabricated." Lavoisier also found that while adding a lot of water to bulk the tobacco upward would cause it to ferment and smell bad, the improver of a very small amount improved the product. Thereafter the factories of the Farmers General added, as he recommended, a consistent 6.3% of water by volume to the tobacco they candy.[19] To permit for this addition, the Farmers General delivered to retailers seventeen ounces of tobacco while only charging for 16.[20] To ensure that only these authorised amounts were added, and to exclude the black market, Lavoisier saw to it that a watertight organization of checks, accounts, supervision and testing made it very difficult for retailers to source contraband tobacco or to improve their profits by bulking it up. He was energetic and rigorous in implementing this, and the systems he introduced were deeply unpopular with the tobacco retailers beyond the country. This unpopularity was to have consequences for him during the French Revolution.[21]
Regal Commission on Agriculture
Lavoisier urged the establishment of a Royal Commission on Agriculture. He and so served as its Secretarial assistant and spent considerable sums of his own money in social club to improve the agricultural yields in the Sologne, an surface area where farmland was of poor quality. The humidity of the region oft led to a blight of the rye harvest, causing outbreaks of ergotism amongst the population. In 1788 Lavoisier presented a report to the Committee detailing ten years of efforts on his experimental farm to introduce new crops and types of livestock. His decision was that despite the possibilities of agricultural reforms, the tax system left tenant farmers with and then little that it was unrealistic to expect them to change their traditional practices.[22]
Gunpowder Commission
Lavoisier'south researches on combustion were carried out in the midst of a very busy schedule of public and individual duties, especially in connection with the Ferme Générale. There were also innumerable reports for and committees of the Academy of Sciences to investigate specific problems on guild of the royal government. Lavoisier, whose organizing skills were outstanding, frequently landed the task of writing up such official reports. In 1775 he was fabricated one of four commissioners of gunpowder appointed to replace a private company, similar to the Ferme Générale, which had proved unsatisfactory in supplying France with its munitions requirements. As a result of his efforts, both the quantity and quality of French gunpowder greatly improved, and it became a source of revenue for the government. His appointment to the Gunpowder Commission brought one great benefit to Lavoisier'southward scientific career likewise. Every bit a commissioner, he enjoyed both a house and a laboratory in the Royal Arsenal. Hither he lived and worked betwixt 1775 and 1792.
Lavoisier was a formative influence in the formation of the Du Pont gunpowder business because he trained Éleuthère Irénée du Pont, its founder, on gunpowder-making in France; the latter said that the Du Pont gunpowder mills "would never have been started but for his kindness to me."[23] : 40
During the Revolution
In June 1791, Lavoisier made a loan of 71,000 livres to Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours to buy a printing works then that du Pont could publish a newspaper, La Correspondance Patriotique. The program was for this to include both reports of debates in the National Elective Assembly too as papers from the University of Sciences.[24] The revolution quickly disrupted the elder du Pont's outset paper, but his son Due east.I. du Pont soon launched Le Republicain and published Lavoisier'south latest chemical science texts.[23] : xv
Lavoisier also chaired the committee fix upwards to establish a uniform organization of weights and measures[25] [26] which in March 1791 recommended the adoption of the metric arrangement.[27] The new organization of weights and measures was adopted past the Convention on one August 1793.[28] Lavoisier himself was removed from the commission on weights and measures on 23 Dec 1793, together with mathematician Pierre-Simon Laplace and several other members, for political reasons.[26]
Ane of his last major works was a proposal to the National Convention for the reform of French educational activity. He besides intervened on behalf of a number of strange-born scientists including mathematician Joseph Louis Lagrange, helping to exempt them from a mandate stripping all foreigners of possessions and freedom.[29]
Concluding days and execution
Equally the French Revolution gained momentum, attacks mounted on the securely unpopular Ferme générale, and it was eventually abolished in March 1791.[thirty] In 1792 Lavoisier was forced to resign from his mail service on the Gunpowder Committee and to move from his house and laboratory at the Purple Armory. On viii August 1793, all the learned societies, including the University of Sciences, were suppressed at the request of Abbé Grégoire.[28]
On 24 November 1793, the arrest of all the erstwhile tax farmers was ordered. Lavoisier and the other Farmers General faced nine accusations of defrauding the state of coin owed to it, and of calculation water to tobacco before selling it. Lavoisier drafted their defense, refuting the financial accusations, reminding the court of how they had maintained a consistently high quality of tobacco. The court was yet inclined to believe that by condemning them and seizing their goods, it would recover huge sums for the state.[twenty] Lavoisier was convicted and guillotined on 8 May 1794 in Paris, at the age of fifty, along with his 27 co-defendants.[31]
According to pop fable, the appeal to spare his life and so that he could continue his experiments was cutting short past the estimate, Coffinhal: "La République north'a pas besoin de savants ni de chimistes; le cours de la justice ne peut être suspendu." ("The Republic needs neither scholars nor chemists; the course of justice cannot be delayed.")[32] The judge Coffinhal himself would be executed less than three months later on, in the wake of the Thermidorian reaction.
Lavoisier'south importance to scientific discipline was expressed by Lagrange who lamented the beheading past saying: "Il ne leur a fallu qu'un moment pour faire tomber cette tête, et cent années peut-être ne suffiront pas cascade en reproduire une semblable." ("It took them simply an instant to cutting off this head, and i hundred years might not suffice to reproduce its like.")[33] [34]
Mail service-mortem
A year and a half after his execution, Lavoisier was completely exonerated by the French government. During the White Terror, his holding were delivered to his widow. A brief note was included, reading "To the widow of Lavoisier, who was falsely convicted".[35]
Virtually a century after his death, a statue of Lavoisier was erected in Paris. It was later discovered that the sculptor had not really copied Lavoisier's head for the statue, but used a spare head of the Marquis de Condorcet, the Secretary of the Academy of Sciences during Lavoisier'due south concluding years.[ citation needed ] Lack of money prevented alterations from being made. The statue was melted downwardly during the 2nd World War and has not been replaced. 1 of the main "lycées" (loftier schools) in Paris and a street in the 8th arrondissement are named after Lavoisier, and statues of him are found on the Hôtel de Ville and on the façade of the Cour Napoléon of the Louvre. His name is one of the 72 names of eminent French scientists, engineers and mathematicians inscribed on the Eiffel Tower as well as on buildings around Killian Court at MIT in Cambridge, MA.
Contributions to chemical science
Oxygen theory of combustion
During late 1772 Lavoisier turned his attention to the phenomenon of combustion, the topic on which he was to make his nearly significant contribution to science. He reported the results of his get-go experiments on combustion in a note to the Academy on twenty October, in which he reported that when phosphorus burned, it combined with a big quantity of air to produce acid spirit of phosphorus, and that the phosphorus increased in weight on burning. In a second sealed note deposited with the Academy a few weeks subsequently (ane November) Lavoisier extended his observations and conclusions to the burning of sulfur and went on to add that "what is observed in the combustion of sulfur and phosphorus may well accept place in the case of all substances that proceeds in weight past combustion and calcination: and I am persuaded that the increase in weight of metallic calces is due to the aforementioned cause."
Joseph Black'south "stock-still air"
During 1773 Lavoisier determined to review thoroughly the literature on air, peculiarly "stock-still air," and to repeat many of the experiments of other workers in the field. He published an business relationship of this review in 1774 in a book entitled Opuscules physiques et chimiques (Physical and Chemical Essays). In the form of this review, he made his first full study of the piece of work of Joseph Black, the Scottish chemist who had carried out a serial of classic quantitative experiments on the balmy and caustic alkalies. Blackness had shown that the divergence between a balmy alkali, for example, chalk (CaCOthree), and the caustic course, for case, quicklime (CaO), lay in the fact that the former contained "stock-still air," not common air fixed in the chalk, but a distinct chemic species, at present understood to be carbon dioxide (CO2), which was a constituent of the atmosphere. Lavoisier recognized that Black's stock-still air was identical with the air evolved when metallic calces were reduced with charcoal and even suggested that the air which combined with metals on calcination and increased the weight might be Blackness's fixed air, that is, CO2.
Joseph Priestley
In the bound of 1774, Lavoisier carried out experiments on the calcination of tin and pb in sealed vessels, the results of which conclusively confirmed that the increase in weight of metals in combustion was due to combination with air. Only the question remained virtually whether it was in combination with common atmospheric air or with only a part of atmospheric air. In October the English language chemist Joseph Priestley visited Paris, where he met Lavoisier and told him of the air which he had produced by heating the cherry-red calx of mercury with a called-for glass and which had supported combustion with extreme vigor. Priestley at this fourth dimension was unsure of the nature of this gas, merely he felt that information technology was an especially pure class of common air. Lavoisier carried out his ain inquiry on this peculiar substance. The issue was his memoir On the Nature of the Principle Which Combines with Metals during Their Calcination and Increases Their Weight, read to the University on 26 April 1775 (commonly referred to every bit the Easter Memoir). In the original memoir, Lavoisier showed that the mercury calx was a true metallic calx in that it could be reduced with charcoal, giving off Black'southward fixed air in the process.[36] When reduced without charcoal, it gave off an air which supported respiration and combustion in an enhanced mode. He concluded that this was simply a pure course of common air and that it was the air itself "undivided, without alteration, without decomposition" which combined with metals on calcination.
After returning from Paris, Priestley took up once over again his investigation of the air from mercury calx. His results now showed that this air was not just an specially pure form of common air but was "five or six times better than common air, for the purpose of respiration, inflammation, and ... every other apply of mutual air". He called the air dephlogisticated air, as he idea it was mutual air deprived of its phlogiston. Since it was therefore in a state to absorb a much greater quantity of phlogiston given off by burning bodies and respiring animals, the greatly enhanced combustion of substances and the greater ease of breathing in this air were explained.
Pioneer of stoichiometry
Lavoisier's researches included some of the first truly quantitative chemical experiments. He advisedly weighed the reactants and products of a chemic reaction in a sealed glass vessel so that no gases could escape, which was a crucial pace in the advocacy of chemistry.[37] In 1774, he showed that, although affair can change its state in a chemical reaction, the total mass of thing is the aforementioned at the terminate as at the beginning of every chemical modify. Thus, for case, if a slice of wood is burned to ashes, the total mass remains unchanged if gaseous reactants and products are included. Lavoisier's experiments supported the law of conservation of mass. In France it is taught every bit Lavoisier's Law and is paraphrased from a statement in his Traité Élémentaire de Chimie: "Nothing is lost, nothing is created, everything is transformed." Mikhail Lomonosov (1711–1765) had previously expressed similar ideas in 1748 and proved them in experiments; others whose ideas pre-date the work of Lavoisier include Jean Rey (1583–1645), Joseph Blackness (1728–1799), and Henry Cavendish (1731–1810).[38]
Chemical classification
Lavoisier, together with Louis-Bernard Guyton de Morveau, Claude-Louis Berthollet, and Antoine François de Fourcroy, submitted a new programme for the reforms of chemical nomenclature to the Academy in 1787, for in that location was nearly no rational organization of chemical classification at this fourth dimension. This work, titled Méthode de nomenclature chimique (Method of Chemical Nomenclature, 1787), introduced a new organization which was tied inextricably to Lavoisier'southward new oxygen theory of chemistry.[39] The Classical elements of world, air, fire, and water were discarded, and instead some 55 substances which could not be decomposed into simpler substances by any known chemical means were provisionally listed every bit elements. The elements included light; caloric (matter of heat); the principles of oxygen, hydrogen, and azote (nitrogen); carbon; sulfur; phosphorus; the yet unknown "radicals" of muriatic acid (muriatic acid), boric acrid, and "fluoric" acid; 17 metals; 5 earths (mainly oxides of yet unknown metals such every bit magnesia, baria, and strontia); three alkalies (potash, soda, and ammonia); and the "radicals" of 19 organic acids. The acids, regarded in the new system as compounds of various elements with oxygen, were given names which indicated the element involved together with the degree of oxygenation of that element, for example sulfuric and sulfurous acids, phosphoric and phosphorous acids, nitric and nitrous acids, the "ic" termination indicating acids with a college proportion of oxygen than those with the "ous" ending. Similarly, salts of the "ic" acids were given the terminal messages "ate," as in copper sulfate, whereas the salts of the "ous" acids terminated with the suffix "ite," as in copper sulfite. The full effect of the new classification can exist gauged by comparing the new proper name "copper sulfate" with the old term "vitriol of Venus." Lavoisier's new nomenclature spread throughout Europe and to the Usa and became common use in the field of chemistry. This marked the beginning of the anti-phlogistic approach to the field.
Chemical revolution and opposition
Lavoisier is commonly cited as a central contributor to the chemic revolution. His precise measurements and meticulous keeping of balance sheets throughout his experiment were vital to the widespread credence of the law of conservation of mass. His introduction of new terminology, a binomial system modeled after that of Linnaeus, also helps to marker the dramatic changes in the field which are referred to generally as the chemical revolution. Lavoisier encountered much opposition in trying to change the field, specially from British phlogistic scientists. Joseph Priestley, Richard Kirwan, James Keir, and William Nicholson, among others, argued that quantification of substances did not imply conservation of mass.[twoscore] Rather than reporting factual evidence, opposition claimed Lavoisier was misinterpreting the implications of his enquiry. One of Lavoisier's allies, Jean Baptiste Biot, wrote of Lavoisier's methodology, "1 felt the necessity of linking accuracy in experiments to rigor of reasoning."[40] His opposition argued that precision in experimentation did not imply precision in inferences and reasoning. Despite opposition, Lavoisier continued to use precise instrumentation to convince other chemists of his conclusions, ofttimes results to v to 8 decimal places. Nicholson, who estimated that just three of these decimal places were meaningful, stated:
If information technology be denied that these results are pretended to exist true in the last figures, I must beg leave to notice, that these long rows of figures, which in some instances extend to a thousand times the nicety of experiment, serve just to exhibit a parade which truthful science has no demand of: and, more this, that when the existent degree of accuracy in experiments is thus hidden from our contemplation, we are somewhat disposed to doubtfulness whether the exactitude scrupuleuse of the experiments be indeed such every bit to render the proofs de l'ordre demonstratif.[41]
Notable works
Easter memoir
The "official" version of Lavoisier's Easter Memoir appeared in 1778. In the intervening period, Lavoisier had aplenty time to repeat some of Priestley's latest experiments and perform some new ones of his own. In addition to studying Priestley's dephlogisticated air, he studied more thoroughly the residual air after metals had been calcined. He showed that this residual air supported neither combustion nor respiration and that approximately five volumes of this air added to i volume of the dephlogisticated air gave common atmospheric air. Mutual air was then a mixture of ii singled-out chemical species with quite different properties. Thus when the revised version of the Easter Memoir was published in 1778, Lavoisier no longer stated that the principle which combined with metals on calcination was just common air but "cipher else than the healthiest and purest part of the air" or the "eminently respirable role of the air". The same twelvemonth he coined the proper noun oxygen for this constituent of the air, from the Greek words meaning "acid old".[36] [42] He was struck by the fact that the combustion products of such nonmetals as sulfur, phosphorus, charcoal, and nitrogen were acidic. He held that all acids contained oxygen and that oxygen was therefore the acidifying principle.
Dismantling phlogiston theory
Lavoisier's chemical inquiry betwixt 1772 and 1778 was largely concerned with developing his own new theory of combustion. In 1783 he read to the academy his newspaper entitled Réflexions sur le phlogistique (Reflections on Phlogiston), a full-scale assail on the current phlogiston theory of combustion. That year Lavoisier besides began a series of experiments on the composition of water which were to show an important capstone to his combustion theory and win many converts to it. Many investigators had been experimenting with the combination of Henry Cavendish'due south inflammable air, which Lavoisier termed hydrogen (Greek for "h2o-former"), with "dephlogisticated air" (air in the process of combustion, at present known to exist oxygen) by electrically sparking mixtures of the gases. All of the researchers noted Cavendish's production of pure water by burning hydrogen in oxygen, but they interpreted the reaction in varying ways within the framework of phlogiston theory. Lavoisier learned of Cavendish's experiment in June 1783 via Charles Blagden (before the results were published in 1784), and immediately recognized water equally the oxide of a hydroelectric gas.[43]
In cooperation with Laplace, Lavoisier synthesized water by called-for jets of hydrogen and oxygen in a bell jar over mercury. The quantitative results were good plenty to back up the contention that water was not an element, as had been thought for over two,000 years, only a chemical compound of two gases, hydrogen and oxygen. The interpretation of h2o as a compound explained the inflammable air generated from dissolving metals in acids (hydrogen produced when water decomposes) and the reduction of calces past inflammable air (a combination of gas from calx with oxygen to form h2o).[40]
Despite these experiments, Lavoisier's antiphlogistic approach remained unaccepted by many other chemists. Lavoisier labored to provide definitive proof of the composition of water, attempting to use this in support of his theory. Working with Jean-Baptiste Meusnier, Lavoisier passed water through a blood-red-hot atomic number 26 gun barrel, allowing the oxygen to class an oxide with the iron and the hydrogen to sally from the end of the pipe. He submitted his findings of the composition of h2o to the Académie des Sciences in April 1784, reporting his figures to eight decimal places.[40] Opposition responded to this further experimentation by stating that Lavoisier continued to depict the incorrect conclusions and that his experiment demonstrated the displacement of phlogiston from iron by the combination of water with the metal. Lavoisier adult a new apparatus which utilized a pneumatic trough, a set of balances, a thermometer, and a barometer, all calibrated advisedly. 30 savants were invited to witness the decomposition and synthesis of water using this apparatus, convincing many who attended of the definiteness of Lavoisier's theories. This demonstration established water as a compound of oxygen and hydrogen with great certainty for those who viewed it. The dissemination of the experiment, nonetheless, proved subpar, as it lacked the details to properly display the corporeality of precision taken in the measurements. The paper concluded with a hasty statement that the experiment was "more than sufficient to lay concur of the certainty of the suggestion" of the limerick of water and stated that the methods used in the experiment would unite chemistry with the other physical sciences and accelerate discoveries.[44]
Elementary Treatise of Chemistry
Lavoisier employed the new classification in his Traité élémentaire de chimie (Unproblematic Treatise on Chemistry), published in 1789. This work represents the synthesis of Lavoisier's contribution to chemical science and can exist considered the first modernistic textbook on the subject area. The core of the work was the oxygen theory, and the piece of work became a nigh effective vehicle for the transmission of the new doctrines. It presented a unified view of new theories of chemistry, contained a clear statement of the police force of conservation of mass, and denied the existence of phlogiston. This text clarified the concept of an element as a substance that could non exist broken downwardly by any known method of chemical assay and presented Lavoisier's theory of the germination of chemical compounds from elements. Information technology remains a classic in the history of science. While many leading chemists of the fourth dimension refused to accept Lavoisier's new ideas, demand for Traité élémentaire as a textbook in Edinburgh was sufficient to merit translation into English within about a year of its French publication.[45] In whatever effect, the Traité élémentaire was sufficiently sound to convince the adjacent generation.
Physiological work
The relationship between combustion and respiration had long been recognized from the essential role which air played in both processes. Lavoisier was almost obliged, therefore, to extend his new theory of combustion to include the expanse of respiration physiology. His first memoirs on this topic were read to the Academy of Sciences in 1777, but his most significant contribution to this field was fabricated in the winter of 1782–1783 in association with Laplace. The result of this work was published in a memoir, "On Heat." Lavoisier and Laplace designed an ice calorimeter apparatus for measuring the amount of estrus given off during combustion or respiration. The outer shell of the calorimeter was packed with snow, which melted to maintain a constant temperature of 0 °C around an inner trounce filled with ice. By measuring the quantity of carbon dioxide and oestrus produced by circumscribed a live guinea pig in this apparatus, and by comparison the corporeality of oestrus produced when sufficient carbon was burned in the ice calorimeter to produce the same amount of carbon dioxide as that which the guinea squealer exhaled, they concluded that respiration was, in fact, a tedious combustion procedure. Lavoisier stated, "la respiration est donc une combustion," that is, respiratory gas exchange is a combustion, similar that of a candle burning.[46]
This continuous tedious combustion, which they supposed took place in the lungs, enabled the living fauna to maintain its body temperature above that of its environs, thus accounting for the puzzling phenomenon of animal heat. Lavoisier continued these respiration experiments in 1789–1790 in cooperation with Armand Seguin. They designed an ambitious set of experiments to study the whole process of body metabolism and respiration using Seguin as a human guinea pig in the experiments. Their work was merely partially completed and published because of the disruption of the Revolution; but Lavoisier'south pioneering work in this field served to inspire similar research on physiological processes for generations to come.
Legacy
Lavoisier's key contributions to chemistry were a result of a conscious attempt to fit all experiments into the framework of a single theory. He established the consistent use of the chemic residual, used oxygen to overthrow the phlogiston theory, and developed a new system of chemical classification which held that oxygen was an essential constituent of all acids (which after turned out to be erroneous).
Lavoisier also did early research in physical chemical science and thermodynamics in joint experiments with Laplace. They used a calorimeter to estimate the heat evolved per unit of carbon dioxide produced, eventually finding the same ratio for a flame and animals, indicating that animals produced free energy by a blazon of combustion reaction.
Lavoisier likewise contributed to early ideas on limerick and chemical changes by stating the radical theory, believing that radicals, which part as a single group in a chemical process, combine with oxygen in reactions. He also introduced the possibility of allotropy in chemic elements when he discovered that diamond is a crystalline grade of carbon.
He was as well responsible for the construction of the gasometer, an expensive instrument he used at his demonstrations. While he used his gasometer exclusively for these, he besides created smaller, cheaper, more practical gasometers that worked with a sufficient degree of precision that more chemists could recreate.[47]
He was essentially a theorist, and his great merit lay in his capacity to take over experimental work that others had carried out—without e'er fairly recognizing their claims—and by a rigorous logical procedure, reinforced by his own quantitative experiments, expounding the true explanation of the results.[ citation needed ] He completed the work of Black, Priestley and Cavendish, and gave a right caption of their experiments.
Overall, his contributions are considered the near important in advancing chemistry to the level reached in physics and mathematics during the 18th century.[48]
Awards and honours
During his lifetime, Lavoisier was awarded a gold medal by the King of French republic for his piece of work on urban street lighting (1766), and was appointed to the French University of Sciences (1768).[10] He was elected as a member of the American Philosophical Social club in 1775.[49]
Lavoisier'due south piece of work was recognized every bit an International Historic Chemical Landmark by the American Chemical Society, Académie des sciences de L'institut de France and the Société Chimique de France in 1999.[l] Antoine Laurent Lavoisier's Louis 1788 publication entitled Méthode de Nomenclature Chimique, published with colleagues Louis-Bernard Guyton de Morveau, Claude Louis Berthollet, and Antoine François, comte de Fourcroy,[51] was honored by a Citation for Chemical Breakthrough Award from the Division of History of Chemistry of the American Chemic Guild, presented at the Académie des Sciences (Paris) in 2015.[52] [53]
A number of Lavoisier Medals have been named and given in Lavoisier'south honour, by organizations including the Société chimique de France, the International Society for Biological Calorimetry, and the DuPont company[54] [55] [56] He is also commemorated by the Franklin-Lavoisier Prize, marker the friendship of Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier and Benjamin Franklin. The prize, which includes a medal, is given jointly by the Fondation de la Maison de la Chimie in Paris, France and the Science History Institute in Philadelphia, PA, United states.[57] [58]
Selected writings
- Opuscules physiques et chimiques (Paris: Chez Durand, Didot, Camaraderie, 1774). (2nd edition, 1801)
- L'art de fabriquer le salin et la potasse, publié par ordre du Roi, par les régisseurs-généraux des Poudres & Salpêtres (Paris, 1779).
- Instruction sur les moyens de suppléer à la disette des fourrages, et d'augmenter la subsistence des bestiaux, Supplément à fifty'instruction sur les moyens de pourvoir à la disette des fourrages, publiée par ordre du Roi le 31 mai 1785 (Instruction on the means of compensating for the food shortage with provender, and of increasing the subsistence of cattle, Supplement to the teaching on the means of providing for the nutrient shortage with fodder, published by club of King on 31 May 1785).
- (with Guyton de Morveau, Claude-Louis Berthollet, Antoine Fourcroy) Méthode de nomenclature chimique (Paris: Chez Cuchet, 1787)
- (with Fourcroy, Morveau, Cadet, Baumé, d'Arcet, and Sage) Nomenclature chimique, ou synonymie ancienne et moderne, pour servir à fifty'intelligence des auteurs. (Paris: Chez Cuchet, 1789)
- Traité élémentaire de chimie, présenté dans un ordre nouveau et d'après les découvertes modernes (Paris: Chez Cuchet, 1789; Bruxelles: Cultures et Civilisations, 1965) (lit. Unproblematic Treatise on Chemical science, presented in a new lodge and aslope modern discoveries) also here
- (with Pierre-Simon Laplace) "Mémoire sur la chaleur [ permanent dead link ] ," Mémoires de fifty'Académie des sciences (1780), pp. 355–408.
- Mémoire contenant les expériences faites sur la chaleur, pendant l'hiver de 1783 à 1784, par P.S. de Laplace & A. K. Lavoisier [ permanent dead link ] (1792)
- Mémoires de physique et de chimie (1805: posthumous)
In translation
- Essays Physical and Chemical (London: for Joseph Johnson, 1776; London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1970) translation past Thomas Henry of Opuscules physiques et chimiques
- The Art of Manufacturing Alkaline Salts and Potashes, Published by Order of His Virtually Christian Majesty, and approved by the Purple University of Sciences (1784) trans. by Charles Williamos[59] of Fifty'art de fabriquer le salin et la potasse
- (with Pierre-Simon Laplace) Memoir on Heat: Read to the Imperial University of Sciences, 28 June 1783, past Messrs. Lavoisier & De La Place of the same Academy. (New York: Neale Watson Academic Publications, 1982) trans. by Henry Guerlac of Mémoire sur la chaleur
- Essays, on the Effects Produced by Diverse Processes On Atmospheric Air; With A Item View To An Investigation Of The Constitution Of Acids, trans. Thomas Henry (London: Warrington, 1783) collects these essays:
- "Experiments on the Respiration of Animals, and on the Changes effected on the Air in passing through their Lungs." (Read to the Académie des Sciences, three May 1777)
- "On the Combustion of Candles in Atmospheric Air and in Dephlogistated Air." (Communicated to the Académie des Sciences, 1777)
- "On the Combustion of Kunckel's Phosphorus."
- "On the Existence of Air in the Nitrous Acid, and on the Means of decomposing and recomposing that Acid."
- "On the Solution of Mercury in Vitriolic Acrid."
- "Experiments on the Combustion of Alum with Phlogistic Substances, and on the Changes effected on Air in which the Pyrophorus was burned."
- "On the Vitriolisation of Martial Pyrites."
- "General Considerations on the Nature of Acids, and on the Principles of which they are composed."
- "On the Combination of the Matter of Burn down with Evaporable Fluids; and on the Formation of Elastic Aëriform Fluids."
- "Reflections on Phlogiston", translation by Nicholas W. Best of "Réflexions sur le phlogistique, cascade servir de suite à la théorie de la combustion et de la calcination" (read to the Académie Royale des Sciences over 2 nights, 28 June and 13 July 1783). Published in two parts:
- All-time, Nicholas W. (2015). "Lavoisier's "Reflections on phlogiston" I: Against phlogiston theory". Foundations of Chemical science. 17 (2): 361–378. doi:10.1007/s10698-015-9220-v. S2CID 170422925.
- Best, Nicholas W. (2016). "Lavoisier'south "Reflections on phlogiston" II: On the nature of heat". Foundations of Chemical science. eighteen (1): 3–thirteen. doi:ten.1007/s10698-015-9236-x. S2CID 94677080.
- Method of chymical nomenclature: proposed by Messrs. De Moreau, Lavoisier, Bertholet, and De Fourcroy (1788) Dictionary
- Elements of Chemistry, in a New Systematic Club, Containing All the Modernistic Discoveries (Edinburgh: William Creech, 1790; New York: Dover, 1965) translation by Robert Kerr of Traité élémentaire de chimie. ISBN 978-0-486-64624-4 (Dover).
- 1799 edition
- 1802 edition: book 1, book ii
- Some illustrations from 1793 edition
- Some more illustrations from the Science History Institute
- More illustrations (from Nerveless Works) from the Science History Plant
Run across likewise
- Royal Committee on Animate being Magnetism
Notes
- ^ "Lavoisier, Antoine Laurent". Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Printing. n.d. Retrieved 30 July 2019.
- ^ "Lavoisier". Collins English language Dictionary. HarperCollins. Retrieved 30 July 2019.
- ^ "Lavoisier". Merriam-Webster Lexicon . Retrieved thirty July 2019.
- ^ a b (in French) Lavoisier, le parcours d'un scientifique révolutionnaire CNRS (Eye National de la Recherche Scientifique)
- ^ Schwinger, Julian (1986). Einstein's Legacy. New York: Scientific American Library. p. 93. ISBN978-0-7167-5011-6.
- ^ In his table of the elements, Lavoisier listed v "salifiable earths" (i.east., ores that could exist fabricated to react with acids to produce salts (salis = common salt, in Latin)): chaux (calcium oxide), magnésie (magnesia, magnesium oxide), baryte (barium sulfate), alumine (alumina, aluminum oxide), and silice (silica, silicon dioxide). About these "elements", Lavoisier speculates: "We are probably but acquainted every bit yet with a role of the metallic substances existing in nature, equally all those which take a stronger analogousness to oxygen than carbon possesses, are incapable, hitherto, of being reduced to a metallic state, and consequently, beingness but presented to our observation nether the course of oxyds, are confounded with earths. It is extremely probable that barytes, which we have only now bundled with earths, is in this situation; for in many experiments it exhibits backdrop nearly approaching to those of metallic bodies. It is fifty-fifty possible that all the substances we call earths may be only metal oxyds, irreducible by any hitherto known process." – from p. 218 of: Lavoisier with Robert Kerr, trans., Elements of Chemistry, ..., fourth ed. (Edinburgh, Scotland: William Creech, 1799). (The original passage appears in: Lavoisier, Traité Élémentaire de Chimie, ... (Paris, French republic: Cuchet, 1789), vol. one, p. 174.)
- ^ Schama, Simon (1989). Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Alfred A Knopf. p. 73.
- ^ Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). . Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
- ^ Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 16 (11th ed.). Cambridge Academy Press. p. 295.
- ^ a b Yount, Lisa (2008). Antoine Lavoisier : founder of modern chemical science . Berkeley Heights, NJ: Enslow Publishers. p. 115. ISBN978-0-7660-3011-4 . Retrieved 25 July 2016.
- ^ a b c d Duveen, Dennis I. (1965). Supplement to a bibliography of the works of Antoine Laurent Lavoisier, 1743–1794. London: Dawsons.
- ^ a b c McKie, Douglas (1935). Bibliographic Details Antoine Lavoisier, the father of modern chemical science, past Douglas McKie ... With an introduction past F.Thousand. Donnan. London: V. Gollancz ltd.
- ^ a b c d e f Bibliographic Details Lavoisier in perspective / edited by Marco Beretta. Munich: Deutsches Museum. 2005.
- ^ a b c d e f yard Bell, Madison Smart (2005). Lavoisier in the year one . New York: W.W. Norton.
- ^ McKie, Douglas (1952). Antoine Lavoisier: scientist, economist, social reformer . New York: Schuman.
- ^ Citizens, Simon Schama. Penguin 1989 p. 236
- ^ Hawkeye, Cassandra T.; Jennifer Sloan (1998). "Marie Anne Paulze Lavoisier: The Mother of Modernistic Chemistry". The Chemical Educator. 3 (5): i–18. doi:10.1007/s00897980249a. S2CID 97557390.
- ^ Donovan, Arthur (1996). Antoine Lavoisier: Science, Administration, and Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 273. ISBN978-0-521-56672-eight.
- ^ Jean-Pierre Poirier (1998). Lavoisier: Chemist, Biologist, Economist . University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 24–26. ISBN978-0-8122-1649-three.
- ^ a b West.R. Aykroyd (12 May 2014). Three Philosophers: Lavoisier, Priestley and Cavendish. Elsevier Science. pp. 168–170. ISBN978-i-4831-9445-5.
- ^ Arthur Donovan (11 April 1996). Antoine Lavoisier: Science, Administration and Revolution. Cambridge University Press. pp. 123–125. ISBN978-0-521-56672-8.
- ^ Citizens, Simon Schama, Penguin 1989 p. 313
- ^ a b Dutton, William Due south. (1942), Du Pont: One Hundred and Forty Years, Charles Scribner's Sons, LCCN 42011897.
- ^ Chronicle of the French Revolution, Jacques Legrand, Longman 1989, p. 216
- ^ Companion to the French Revolution, John Paxton, Facts on File Publications 1988, p. 120
- ^ a b A Cultural History of the French Revolution, Pismire Kennedy, Yale University Printing 1989, p. 193
- ^ Relate of the French Revolution, Jacques Legrand, Longman 1989, p. 204
- ^ a b Chronicle of the French Revolution, Jacques Legrand, Longman 1989, p. 356
- ^ O'Connor, J.J.; Robertson, East.F. (26 September 2006). "Joseph-Louis Lagrange". Archived from the original on 2 May 2006. Retrieved 20 April 2006.
In September 1793 a police was passed ordering the arrest of all foreigners born in enemy countries and all their property to exist confiscated. Lavoisier intervened on behalf of Lagrange, who certainly barbarous under the terms of the law. On 8 May 1794, afterwards a trial that lasted less than a day, a revolutionary tribunal condemned Lavoisier and 27 others to death. Lagrange said on the death of Lavoisier, who was guillotined on the afternoon of the solar day of his trial
- ^ Chronicle of the French Revolution, Longman 1989 p. 202
- ^ "Today in History: 1794: Antoine Lavoisier, the father of modern chemistry, is executed on the guillotine during France'due south Reign of Terror". Archived from the original on fifteen June 2013.
- ^ Commenting on this quotation, Denis Duveen, an English expert on Lavoiser and a collector of his works, wrote that "information technology is pretty certain that it was never uttered". For Duveen's show, run into the following: Duveen, Denis I. (February 1954). "Antoine Laurent Lavoisier and the French Revolution". Journal of Chemical Education. 31 (2): 60–65. Bibcode:1954JChEd..31...60D. doi:10.1021/ed031p60. .
- ^ Delambre, Jean-Baptiste (1867). (in French). Gauthier-Villars. 15–57 – via Wikisource.
- ^ Guerlac, Henry (1973). Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier – Chemist and Revolutionary. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. p. 130.
- ^ (In French) Thousand.-A. Paulze, épouse et collaboratrice de Lavoisier, Vesalius, Half-dozen, 2, 105–113, 2000, p. 110.
- ^ a b Lavoisier, Antoine (1777) "Mémoire sur la combustion en général" Archived 17 June 2013 at the Wayback Motorcar ("On Combustion in Full general"). Mémoires de fifty'Académie des sciences. English language translation
- ^ Petrucci R.H., Harwood W.Due south. and Herring F.One thousand., General Chemistry (eighth ed. Prentice-Hall 2002), p. 34
- ^ "An Historical Notation on the Conservation of Mass".
- ^ Duveen, Denis; Klickstein, Herbert (September 1954). "The Introduction of Lavoisier'southward Chemical Classification into America". The History of Science Society. 45 (3).
- ^ a b c d Golinski, Jan (1994). "Precision instruments and the demonstrative order of proof in Lavoisier's chemistry". Osiris. 9: 30–47. doi:10.1086/368728. JSTOR 301997. S2CID 95978870.
- ^ Kirwan, Essay on Phlogiston, viii, 11.
- ^ Lavoisier, Antoine (1778) "Considérations générales sur la nature des acides" Archived 17 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine ("General Considerations on the Nature of Acids"). Mémoires de fifty'Académie des sciences. lavoisier.cnrs.fr
- ^ Gillispie, Charles Coulston (1960). The Edge of Objectivity: An Essay in the History of Scientific Ideas. Princeton University Press. p. 228. ISBN0-691-02350-6.
- ^ Lavoisier and Meusnier, "Développement" (cit. n. 27), pp. 205–209; cf. Holmes, Lavoisier (cn. eight), p. 237.
- ^ See the "Advertisement," p. half dozen of Kerr's translation, and pp. xxvi–xxvii, xxviii of Douglas McKie's introduction to the Dover edition.
- ^ Is a Calorie a Calorie? American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, Vol. 79, No. 5, 899S–906S, May 2004
- ^ Levere, Trevor (2001). Transforming Thing. Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Academy Printing. pp. 72–73. ISBN978-0-8018-6610-iv.
- ^ Gillespie, Charles C. (1996), Foreword to Lavoisier by Jean-Pierre Poirier, Academy of Pennsylvania Press, English Edition.
- ^ "APS Member History". search.amphilsoc.org . Retrieved 28 May 2021.
- ^ "Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier: The Chemical Revolution". National Historic Chemical Landmarks. American Chemic Society. Archived from the original on 23 February 2013. Retrieved 25 March 2013.
- ^ Guyton de Morveau, Louis Bernard; Lavoisier, Antoine Laurent; Berthollet, Claude-Louis; Fourcroy, Antoine-François de (1787). Méthode de Classification Chimique. Paris, French republic: Chez Cuchet (Sous le Privilége de l'Académie des Sciences).
- ^ "2015 Awardees". American Chemical Society, Sectionalization of the History of Chemistry. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign School of Chemical Sciences. 2015. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
- ^ "Citation for Chemic Breakthrough Accolade" (PDF). American Chemical Society, Division of the History of Chemistry. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign School of Chemical Sciences. 2015. Retrieved ane July 2016.
- ^ "Société Chimique de France". www.societechimiquedefrance.fr. Archived from the original on 29 March 2019. Retrieved 28 March 2019.
- ^ "International Society for Biological Calorimetry (ISBC) - Most ISBC_". biocalorimetry.ucoz.org . Retrieved 28 March 2019.
- ^ workflow-process-service. "The Lavoisier Medal honors exceptional scientists and engineers | DuPont The states". www.dupont.com . Retrieved 28 March 2019.
- ^ "Le Prix Franklin–Lavoiser2018 a été décerné au Comité Lavoisier". La Gazette du Laboratoire. 20 June 2018. Retrieved 15 January 2019.
- ^ "Franklin-Lavoisier Prize". Science History Found. Archived from the original on 26 March 2020. Retrieved 26 March 2020.
- ^ Run into Denis I. Duveen and Herbert Due south. Klickstein, "The "American" Edition of Lavoisier'due south L'art de fabriquer le salin et la potasse," The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series 13:4 (October 1956), 493–498.
Further reading
- Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). . Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Visitor.
- Bailly, J.-South., "Secret Report on Mesmerism or Beast Magnetism", International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Vol. 50, No. 4, (October 2002), pp. 364–368. doi:x.1080/00207140208410110
- Berthelot, M. (1890). La révolution chimique: Lavoisier. Paris: Alcan.
- Catalogue of Printed Works by and Memorabilia of Antoine Laurent Lavoisier, 1743–1794... Exhibited at the Grolier Club (New York, 1952).
- Daumas, M. (1955). Lavoisier, théoricien et expérimentateur. Paris: Presses Universitaires de French republic.
- Donovan, Arthur (1993). Antoine Lavoisier: Scientific discipline, Administration, and Revolution. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
- Duveen, D.I. and H.S. Klickstein, A Bibliography of the Works of Antoine Laurent Lavoisier, 1743–1794 (London, 1954)
- Franklin, B., Majault, M.J., Le Roy, J.B., Sallin, C.L., Bailly, J.-S., d'Arcet, J., de Bory, Yard., Guillotin, J.-I. & Lavoisier, A., "Report of The Commissioners charged by the King with the Test of Beast Magnetism", International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Vol.fifty, No.4, (October 2002), pp. 332–363. doi:ten.1080/00207140208410109
- Grey, Vivian (1982). The Pharmacist Who Lost His Head: The Story of Antoine Lavoisier . Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, Inc. ISBN9780698205598.
- Gribbin, John (2003). Scientific discipline: A History 1543–2001. Gardners Books. ISBN978-0-fourteen-029741-6.
- Guerlac, Henry (1961). Lavoisier – The Crucial Yr . Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
- Holmes, Frederic Lawrence (1985). Lavoisier and the Chemical science of Life. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press.
- Holmes, Frederic Lawrence (1998). Antoine Lavoisier – The Next Crucial Year, or the Sources of his Quantitative Method in Chemistry. Princeton University Press.
- Jackson, Joe (2005). A Globe on Fire: A Heretic, An Blueblood And The Race to Discover Oxygen. Viking.
- Johnson, Horton A. (2008). "Revolutionary Instruments, Lavoisier's Tools as Objets d'Art". Chemical Heritage Magazine. 26 (1): xxx–35.
- Kelly, Jack (2004). Gunpowder: Alchemy, Bombards, & Pyrotechnics. Basic Books. ISBN978-0-465-03718-half-dozen.
- McKie, Douglas (1935). Antoine Lavoisier: The Begetter of Modern Chemical science. Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott Visitor.
- McKie, Douglas (1952). Antoine Lavoisier: Scientist, Economist, Social Reformer . New York: Henry Schuman.
- Poirier, Jean-Pierre (1996). Lavoisier (English language ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press.
- Scerri, Eric (2007). The Periodic Tabular array: Its Story and Its Significance . Oxford Academy Press. ISBN978-0-19-530573-9.
- Smartt Bong, Madison (2005). Lavoisier in the Yr One: The Birth of a New Science in an Age of Revolution . Atlas Books, Due west.West. Norton.
External links
- Archives: Fonds Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier, Le Comité Lavoisier, Académie des sciences
- Panopticon Lavoisier a virtual museum of Antoine Lavoisier
- Bibliography at Panopticon Lavoisier
- Les Œuvres de Lavoisier
- Almost his piece of work
- Location of Lavoisier's laboratory in Paris
- Radio four program on the discovery of oxygen by the BBC
- Who was the offset to classify materials as "compounds"? – Fred Senese
- Cornell University'southward Lavoisier collection
- His writings
- Works past Antoine Lavoisier at Projection Gutenberg
- Works by or about Antoine Lavoisier at Internet Archive
- Les Œuvres de Lavoisier (The Consummate Works of Lavoisier) edited by Pietro Corsi (Oxford University) and Patrice Bret (CNRS) (in French)
- Oeuvres de Lavoisier (Works of Lavoisier) at Gallica BnF in six volumes. (in French)
- WorldCat author folio
- Title page, woodcuts, and copperplate engravings by Madame Lavoisier from a 1789 first edition of Traité élémentaire de chimie (all images freely available for download in a multifariousness of formats from Science History Institute Digital Collections at digital.sciencehistory.org.
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antoine_Lavoisier
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